The Political Crisis of U.S. Imperialism and How to Respond to It

 By Kamran Nayeri, October 28, 2025

Protestors wave signs as thunder begins to rumble near the end of the No Kings demonstration at the Missouri State Capitol in Jefferson City on Saturday (Annelise Hanshaw/Missouri Independent).

In this essay, I will discuss Trump’s second administration and the Democratic Party's response to it as an intensification of the political crisis of U.S. imperialism. I will begin with the Democratic Party organized massive “No Kings” protests and outline how some trade unions and leftist groups responded to it. I will then discuss the Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement, which provides the sociopolitical basis for Trump's presidency. In the section, following it, I will discuss the relative decline of U.S. imperialism and the reasons for it. I conclude by arguing that the more fundamental existential crises humanity faces are left outside the current debate, that the debate is over the future of U.S. imperialism rather than human needs, or the future of life in Earth, and that we should build working people’s self-organization and self-mobilization to work toward a post-capitalist ecological society to resolve the crisis.

The October 18 “No Kings” demonstrations

On October 18, 2025, millions of people across the United States participated in the second “No Kings” mobilization to protest President Donald Trump. Organizers estimated they drew in about 7 million people; independent journalists estimated 5 million to 6.5 million participants. The United States has a population of 340 million. The first “No Kings” demonstration was held on June 14, 2025. The organizers estimated its size at over 5 million.

These events were primarily organized by 50501 (50 protests, 50 states, one movement), which was formed nine months ago. MoveOn was formed in 1998 as an independent political action coalition. However, it soon became a supporter of the Democratic Party, actively backing Joseph (Joe) Biden’s presidential campaign. The other group responsible for these events was the Invisibles, formed in 2016 by Democratic Party staffers to oppose the first Donald Trump administration and “to save democracy.” The central message of the protests was to oppose the Trump administration by urging electoral support for the Democratic Party in the 2026 mid-term elections.

Placing “No Kings” demonstrations in perspective.

First, while street action by millions of people is rare in modern U.S. history, it is essential to recall that seven years ago, on January 21, 2017, Women's Marches mobilized more than 3.2 million people, including at least 500,000 in Washington, D.C., alone (Nayeri 2017).  There were more than 408 other marches, covering all 50 states. One out of every hundred people living in the country participated, making it the most significant single-day street action in U.S. history at the time. There were 168 "solidarity" marches in 81 other countries across all seven continents, bringing the world total to 4.8 million participants. Canada and Mexico, the United States' neighbors, had 29 and 20 separate marches, respectively.  Still, in 2022, the Supreme Court nulled women's right to abortion that they had won in Roe v. Wade decision in 1973. Yet nothing politically significant in terms of protecting women’s rights followed; in the absence of any anti-capitalist alternatives, these marches were used to attract voters to the Democratic Party.

Second, as these demonstrations represented a tiny percentage of the U.S. population (about 2 percent), it is essential to note that Trump’s approval rating in the period between the first and the second “No Kings” demonstrations increased slightly. A June 11 Quinnipiac University poll placed Trump's approval at 38% among registered voters. In mid-June, "Poll of Polls" average by CNN showed approval at around 43%. By October 2025, various polls indicated slightly higher approval ratings. A Quinnipiac poll from October 22 shows his approval at 40%, and a Gallup poll from the same period put it at 41%. The CNN "Poll of Polls" average for October 22 was also 41%. Therefore, while the size of anti-Trump rallies increased by about a million, Trump’s approval rating increased among the voters, which included both Democratic, Republican and independent voters.

What these contradictory trends show is the increasing polarization in U.S. society and the crisis of governability of U.S. imperialism at a time when it is in relative decline.

What the crisis of U.S. imperialism underscores for the working people and socialists is the need to organize independent political organizations of our own. Yet, United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America (UE), Service Employees International Union (SEIU), and American Federation of Teachers supported No Kings mobilizations without putting forward an independent platform and policy for the working people. Some socialist groups, including Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and the Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL), also supported these mobilizations. DSA candidates run as Democrats and when elected work with Democrats, that is, they do not form a politically independent party. The Communist Party has historically urged electoral support for the Democratic Party and it does now (Communist Party website, “Vote out MAGA and build for the future!,” October 24, 2025). The Communist Party justifies support for the Democratic Party using the slogan of “No kings! No fascists!”

Is Trump or his movement fascist?

During her presidential elections debate, Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris, called Trump a fascist. Some liberals and socialists also call Trump a fascist. Is this an accurate political assessment?

The misuse of the term has been a problem as old as fascism itself. Leon Trotsky (1931), a central leader of the Russian socialist revolution and a theorist of Stalinism and fascism, noted that the term originated in Italy and explains how fascism developed there and in Germany.

He begins with noting the the Stalinist Communist International used the terms “fascist” and “fascism” against dictatorships regardless of their origin or specific character. “To be capable of foreseeing anything regarding fascism, it is necessary to have a definition of that idea. What is fascism? What is its base, its form, and its characteristics? How will its development take place? It is necessary to proceed in a scientific and Marxian manner.”(emphasis added)

He then proceeds to analyze the rise of fascism in Italy and Germany.

“The fascist movement in Italy was a spontaneous movement of large masses, with new leaders from the rank and file. It is a plebian movement in origin, directed and financed by big capitalist powers. It issued forth from the petty bourgeoisie, the slum proletariat, and even to a certain extent from the proletarian masses; Mussolini, a former socialist, is a ‘self-made’ man arising from this movement.”

Trotsky adds:

“The movement in Germany is analogous mostly to the Italian. It is a mass movement, with its leaders employing a great deal of socialist demagogy. This is necessary for the creation of the mass movement.”

“The genuine basis (for fascism) is the petty bourgeoisie. In Italy, it has a huge base – the petty bourgeoisie of the towns and cities, and the peasantry. In Germany, likewise, there is a large base for fascism ...

“It may be said, and this is true to a certain extent, that the new middle class, the functionaries of the state, the private administrators, etc., can constitute such a base. But this is a new question that must be analyzed ...”

Thus, Trotsky wrote:

“Any serious analysis of the political situation must take as its point of departure the mutual relations among the three classes: the bourgeoisie, the petty bourgeoisie (including the peasantry), and the proletariat.

“The economically powerful big bourgeoisie, in itself, represents an infinitesimal minority of the nation. To enforce its domination, it must ensure a definite mutual relationship with the petty bourgeoisie and, through its mediation, with the proletariat.

“To understand the dialectic of the relation among the three classes, we must differentiate three historical stages: at the dawn of capitalistic development, when the bourgeoisie required revolutionary methods to solve its tasks; in the period of bloom and maturity of the capitalist regime, when the bourgeoisie endowed its domination with orderly, pacific, conservative, democratic forms; finally, at the decline of capitalism, when the bourgeoisie is forced to resort to methods of civil war against proletariat to protect its right of exploitation."

The political reality of U.S. politics today is that, setting aside tiny white supremacist fascist-minded groups, there is no fascist movement in the United States today.

Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement

It is necessary to understand the Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement on its own terms. As a political and ideological movement, MAGA is characterized as follows:

Imperialist nationalism: “America First." A central belief is that the U.S. should prioritize its own interests above international cooperation. This translates into protectionist trade policies, skepticism toward alliances, and a focus on American nationalism defined by a Christian Western European civilization ideology.

Economic populism: Supporters often favor policies intended to restore American economic strength by bringing manufacturing jobs back to the U.S. and cracking down on foreign trade practices that allegedly harm U.S. “national interests.”

Nativism and anti-immigration politics: The movement advocates for strict immigration enforcement and limiting the flow of both legal and unauthorized immigrants. Supporters often believe that immigrants negatively impact the economy and national security.

White male Christian socially conservative values: Many adherents believe in reversing what they perceive as negative cultural shifts and a decay of traditional American values of yesteryear (before the black civil rights movement, before the third wave of feminism, etc.). For some, this includes returning to traditional gender roles and opposing LGBTQ+ rights.

Skepticism of institutions: The movement is characterized by a deep distrust of established institutions, including the mainstream media (often referred to as "fake news"), the political "establishment," and the "deep state".

As John Bellemy Foster (2025) wrote about the second Trump administration:

“Major figures in the Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement have strategized in advance that the president can close down departments and impound congressionally authorized spending, while ignoring the courts, based on the sheer power of the executive office and the proposition that whatever the president does is lawful. If necessary, a state of emergency can be declared, suspending constitutional rights. Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) has run roughshod over the federal government, seemingly empowered to take over and close whole agencies at will. Meanwhile, the Trump administration is claiming to have full power over the independent regulatory agencies within the federal government, such as the Federal Trade Commission, the National Labor Relations Board, the Federal Communications Commission, and even the Federal Reserve Board, under what is called the “unitary executive authority,” a controversial constitutional theory.”

MAGA as a reaction to the crisis of the relative decline of the United States

Let’s us briefly note the decline of Western colonialism and imperialism.

Western civilization's global dominance began in the 15th-16th centuries with European exploration and colonialism, which grew significantly through the 19th century. This period, marked by the Age of Discovery, the Industrial Revolution, and technological advancements, saw European powers build global empires. The dominance peaked in the 19th and early 20th centuries and persisted with the rise of the United States after World War II, though it has waned in recent decades.

15th-17th centuries: The Age of Discovery marked the beginning of Western influence with the explorations of Spain and Portugal, followed by the establishment of colonial empires.

18th century: This period, known as the Age of Enlightenment, saw France as a dominant power.

19th century: Great Britain, through the British Empire and the Industrial Revolution, became a dominant global power alongside other Western European nations and the United States.

20th century: The United States rose to global dominance after World War II (WWII), leading the establishment of international institutions grounded in European values.

However, Western colonial empires collapsed by the end of WWII. dominance has been challenged since the beginning of the 21st century with the rise of other civilizations and a shift towards a more multipolar world order.

It was challenged by the Russian 1917 socialist revolution which in 1919, established the Communist International based on the formation of Communist Parties in many countries worldwide. Unfortunately, with the degeneration of the socialist revolution in the young Soviet Republic in the 1920s and the rise of a bureaucratic caste headed by Josef Stalin (Stalinism), these parties, beginning with the Communist Party of the Soviet Republic, were purged of their revolutionary socialist internationalist program, strategy, norms, and leaders and members. Stalin pursued the conservative “socialism in one country,” sacrificing world revolution to achieve peaceful coexistence with Western imperialism, and, on his instructions, Communist Parties everywhere sought alliance with the “progressive bourgeoisie.”

Stalin's alliance with Hitler lasted only a short time, and his partnership with the Allies in World War II ended in 1946, when the primary victor in the war, the United States, began the Cold War in 1947 (some historians view the Truman Doctrine in 1945 as the starting point).  By 1991, the Soviet Union and its Eastern European satellite states had collapsed. China began opening to market mechanisms for economic development and export-led industrialization.

The Rise of China. The 1949 Chinese revolution overthrew colonial and imperialist domination and pre-capitalist social relations. However, China’s economic development remained sluggish under Mao. Deng Xiaoping led China's transition to a market economy, beginning in 1978, and initiated "Reform and Opening up" after Mao Zedong's death.

Through market-oriented reforms, opening to foreign investment, and joining the global trading system, China has experienced unprecedented economic growth, lifting hundreds of millions out of poverty. However, it has also created significant economic inequality and social and environmental challenges. The growth model is now shifting from export-led growth to domestic consumption and high-value services, as China has a middle class estimated at 400 to 700 million, about the size of the U.S. population or more.

Today, China leads in consumer electronics, including smartphones, and is a primary global source of components such as integrated circuits and batteries.  China also leads in apparel and textiles through rapid production and adaptable supply chains, making it a major exporter of fast fashion and high-performance athletic wear. China is a leading manufacturer of toys, games, and sports equipment.

A large portion of U.S. imports from China consists of machinery, including computers and hardware.

Most importantly, China is well ahead of the U.S. in advanced and emerging technologies, including Electric Vehicles (EVs) and batteries. China has the world's largest producers of EVs and EV batteries, with companies like CATL and BYD leading the global market. China leads in solar energy technologies, including wafer, cell, and panel manufacturing.  China has a leading position in robotics manufacturing and deployment.

While the US still has strengths in Artificial Intelligence, China has made significant progress and is challenging US dominance.

China has built a long-distance quantum communication network, giving it a lead in this emerging technology.

While, US still leads in biotech and pharmaceuticals, the gap in semiconductors is narrowing.

China's rise is evident in its expanding economic and military power, strategic infrastructure projects, and growing influence in regions such as Latin America and Africa. Conversely, the idea of US decline is often linked to internal political dysfunction, a shift away from free trade, and the erosion of its economic and military dominance.

Crisis of governance in the United States

For decades, the U.S. was governed through bipartisan collaboration between the Democratic and Republican parties. More recently, not only has competition and compromise in Washington ended, but it has also led to an uncompromising rivalry, resulting in gridlock.

This is reflected in divergent views in the two ruling parties on how to respond to the U.S. relative decline. In brief, the Republican Party has increasingly become a backward-looking party. Since Barry Goldwater's 1964 Presidential bid, when he openly embraced racist views at a time when the civil rights movement was in full swing, the Republican Party has increasingly embraced values that today identify the MAGA movement. The Democratic Party, on the other hand, followed the “big tent” policy of including layers of the social movements and their leaders into its ranks and leadership. Since the 1980s the Democratic Party increasingly adopted identity politics to appeal to various constituents. At the same time, the Democratic Party has become the graveyard of social movement. Look what happened to the civil rights movement, the women’s movement, the labor movement, and most recently, the climate movement. None is visible anymore and their conquests have been taken chipped away.

In its most recent orientation to draw in the youth into the Democratic Party as well as responding the China challenge, to reverse the U.S. relative decline, the Democratic Party now favors developing new industries and products and seeking new markets such as green energy and sustainability concerns. As I have argued (Nayeri, 2019), this new approach may recruit some well-intentioned young people but it will not address the root causes of the ecological crises.

The Socialist Response

It the reader followed my argument so far, it must be clear that the Trump phenomenon is rooted in the crisis of U.S. capitalist imperialism, and that the political turmoil of the U.S. ruling class, reflected in the dissolution of bipartisan governance, is a reflection of this crisis, and that neither of the two capitalist imperialist parties, the Republicans or Democrats, can offer a way out that is consistent with support for human needs and life on Earth. The world is facing ecological existential crises of global warming and climate chaos, the Sixth Extinction, recurrent pandemic, and nuclear holocaust (the Ukraine war has raised the danger several times already).  

However, the November 2024 elections showed that U.S. working people are also almost evenly divided between the two parties, while an increasing number of them feel increasingly fed up with both (Nayeri 2024/1403 in Farsi). While it is absolutely necessary to organize and mobilize independent opposition to Trump administration’s frontal attacks on the working people in the U.S. and abroad, it would be a grave mistake to support of the Democratic Party in anyway as the the DSA and the Communist Party or some union bureaucrats have done.

The solution lies in a radical break with anthropocentric, industrial capitalist civilization and in embracing the path to an ecologically organized post-capitalist society. I would urge the reader to consider Ecocentric Socialism (Nayeri, 2023). This includes:

A Vision of an Ecocentric Socialism: Up to now, socialism has been based on nineteenth century materialism and historical materialism of Karl Marx and Fredrich Engels in which history and historical agency have been relegated to human beings leaving the rest of nature aside. Using the latest knowledge from various biological and social sciences as well as the wisdom of hunter-gatherers and native people, Ecocentric Socialism stands on the foundation of animistic ecological materialism in which historical agencies emerge out of the complex matrix of relationships among beings in an ecosystem inhabiting Mother Earth. As such, Ecocentric Socialism is also a guide to daily living and building human societies embracing these inter-relationships with love and respect for all that exists in nature.

An Ecocentric Socialist Program: The political program of Ecocentric Socialism radically differs from hereto programs of socialist groups in that goal is to undo all forms of power relations within human society and human society with the rest of nature. As such, it is necessary to critically evaluate all ecosocial relations particularly those of science and technology, because they have been forged to dominate and control nature, including human nature. An Ecocentric Socialist society will not be a society of abundance but a society that produces and consumes what is needed for human self-realization and development.

To take on the crises humanity faces including in the U.S. today, socialists need to offer such an entirely new vision, goals, and program, to help organize and mobilize the working people’s self-organizations and taking our destiny into our own hands.

References:

Foster, John Bellemy. “MAGA Ideology and the Trump Regime.” May 2025.

Nayeri, Kamran. “The Historic Women's Marches of January 21, 2017.” Kamran Nayeri’s Writings.  February 2, 2017.

_____________. “A Future for American Capitalism or The Future of Life on Earth?: An Ecosocialist Critique of the "Green New Deal". Our Place in the World: Jounral of Ecosocialism. March 25, 2019.

_____________. Whose Planet? Essays on Ecocentric Socialism. 2023.

Trotsky, Leon. Facism: What It Is and How To Fight It. 1931. 

نیری، کامران.  چرا دوباره ترامپ؟ نقد اقتصاد سیاسی، 11 آبان 1403.